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Ƙabilar

Page Module:Sidebar/styles.css has no content.Ƙabilar ko ƙabilar wata ƙungiya ce ta mutane waɗanda ke nuna juna bisa ga halayen da aka fahimta waɗanda ke rarrabe su daga wasu ƙungiyoyi. Wadannan halayen na iya haɗawa da asalin al'umma, ko tsarin kakanninmu, al'adu, yare, tarihi, al'umma، addini, ko kula da zamantakewa. Ana amfani da kalmar kabilanci sau da yawa tare da kalmar ƙasa, musamman a lokuta na kabilanci.

Ƙabilar
property (en) Fassara da group of humans (en) Fassara
Bayanai
Facet of (en) Fassara ƙabila da identity (en) Fassara
Has cause (en) Fassara ethnogenesis (en) Fassara
Karatun ta sociolinguistics (en) Fassara


Rayawan Ƙabilar acikin gari
Makarantan Ƙabilar

Za'a iya fassara kabilanci a matsayin abin da aka gada ko kuma abin da aka sanya a cikin al'umma. Ana bayyana membobin kabilanci ta hanyar Al'adun al'adu, kakanninmu, Tarihi asali, tarihi, gida, yaren, Addini, tatsuniyoyi, al'adun gargajiya, al'ada, abinci, salon tufafi, fasaha, ko bayyanar jiki. Ƙungiyoyin kabilanci na iya raba ƙanƙanta ko faɗin ƙwayoyin halitta, dangane da ganewar rukuni, tare da wasu ƙungiyoyi da ke da ƙwayoyin halittar ƙwayoyin cuta.[1][2][3]

Ta hanyar sauya harshe, aure, al'adu, tallafi, da Juyowa na addini, mutane ko kungiyoyi na iya canzawa daga wata kabilanci zuwa wata. Ƙungiyoyin kabilanci na iya raba su zuwa ƙananan rukuni ko kabilun, waɗanda a tsawon lokaci na iya zama kabilun kabilun da kansu saboda endogamy ko warewa ta jiki daga ƙungiyar iyaye. Sabanin haka, kabilun da suka rabu a baya na iya haɗuwa don samar da kabilanci kuma na iya haɗuwa cikin kabilanci ɗaya. Ko ta hanyar rarrabuwa ko haɗuwa, ana kiran kafa asalin kabilanci daban-daban a matsayin ethnogenesis.

Kodayake ka'idojin kwayoyin halitta da na aiki suna nuna kabilun, muhawara a baya ta rabu tsakanin primordialism da constructivism. A farkon karni na 20 "Primordialists" sun kalli kabilun a matsayin ainihin abubuwan da suka faru waɗanda halaye na musamman suka jimre tun daga baya.[4] Ra'ayoyin da suka bunkasa bayan shekarun 1960 sun kara kallon kabilun a matsayin tsarin zamantakewa, tare da ainihi da ka'idojin al'umma suka ba su.[5]

Kalmomin

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Kalmar kabilancikabilancikabilancikabilanci Helenanci ἐθνικός ethnikos (mafi daidai, daga adjective ἐθνικικός ethnikus, Sanya aka ba da rancen zuwa Latin a matsayin ethnicus). Kalmar harshen Ingilishi da aka gada don wannan ra'ayi shine mutane, wanda aka yi amfani da shi tare da mutane Latin tun daga ƙarshen lokacin Turanci na Tsakiya.

A cikin Turanci na zamani na farko har zuwa tsakiyar karni na 19, ana amfani da kabilanci don nufin arna ko arna (a cikin ma'anar "al'ummai" daban-daban waɗanda har yanzu ba su shiga cikin Kirista oikumene ba), kamar yadda Septuagint ta amfani da ta ethne ("al'umman") don fassara Ibrananci goyim "al'ummomin kasashen waje, wadanda ba Ibraniyawa ba, wadanda ba Yahudawa ba".[6] Kalmar Helenanci a <i id="mwYg">garken</i> zamanin d ̄ a (Homeric Greek) na iya nufin kowane babban rukuni, rundunar mutane, ƙungiyar abokan aiki da kuma tarin dabbobi. A cikin Girkanci na gargajiya, kalmar ta ɗauki ma'anar da za a iya kwatanta da ra'ayin da yanzu aka bayyana ta "ƙabilar", galibi ana fassara shi a matsayin "al'umma, ƙabilar, ƙungiyar mutane ta musamman"; kawai a cikin Girkanci ya sa kalmar ta ƙara ƙuntata don komawa ga "baƙi" ko "al'ummai banƙyama" musamman (inda ma'anar ma'anar " arna, arna").A cikin karni na 19, an yi amfani da kalmar a cikin ma'anar "na musamman ga kabilanci, kabilanci، mutane ko al'umma", a cikin komawa ga ma'anar Helenanci ta asali. Ma'anar "ƙungiyoyin al'adu daban-daban", kuma a cikin Turanci na Amurka "ƙabilar, launin fata, al'adu ko Ƙungiyar 'yan tsiraru na ƙasa" ya taso ne a cikin shekarun 1930 zuwa 1940, yana aiki a matsayin maye gurbin kalmar tseren da a baya ya ɗauki wannan ma'anar amma yanzu ya zama abin ƙyama saboda alaƙar da yake da wariyar launin fata.[7]An yi amfani da kabilanci mai banƙyama a matsayin mai tsayawa ga "paganism" a cikin karni na 18, amma yanzu ya zo ya bayyana ma'anar "halayyar kabilanci" (na farko da aka rubuta 1953).An fara rubuta kalmar kabilanci a 1935 kuma ta shiga Oxford English Dictionary a 1972. Dangane da mahallin, ana iya amfani da kalmar kasa ko dai daidai da kabilanci ko daidai da zama ɗan ƙasa (a cikin ƙasa mai zaman kanta). Tsarin da ke haifar da fitowar kabilanci ana kiransa ethnogenesis, kalmar da ake amfani da ita a cikin wallafe-wallafen kabilanci tun daga 1950. Hakanan ana iya amfani da kalmar tare da ma'anar wani abu na musamman da ba a saba gani ba (duba "gidan cin abinci na kabilanci", da dai sauransu), gabaɗaya yana da alaƙa da al'adun baƙi na baya-bayan nan, waɗanda suka zo bayan an kafa yawancin mutanen yankin.

Dangane da wane tushen asalin rukuni aka jaddada don bayyana membobin, ana iya gano nau'ikan ƙungiyoyi masu zuwa (sau da yawa da ke rufe juna):

  • Ethnoharshe, jaddada harshe da aka raba, yaren (kuma mai yiwuwa Rubutun) - misali: Faransanci Kanada –
  • Ethno, jaddada tsarin siyasa ko ma'anar asalin ƙasa - misali: Austrians –
  • Ethno, jaddada bayyanar jiki da aka raba bisa ga phenotype - misali: 'Yan Afirka na Afirka –
  • Ethno, yana jaddada bambancin ma'anar zama wanda ya samo asali ne daga keɓewar ƙasa - misali: Mutanen tsibirin Kudancin New Zealand –
  • Ethno, yana jaddada haɗin kai tare da wani addini, ƙungiya ko ɗarika - misali: Mormon, Sikhs –
  • kabilanci, yana jaddada al'adun da aka raba ko al'ada, sau da yawa yana haɗuwa da wasu nau'ikan kabilanci - misali: Matafiya –

A lokuta da yawa, fiye da wani bangare yana ƙayyade membobin: alal misali, ana iya bayyana kabilun Armeniya ta hanyar zama ɗan ƙasar Armeniya, samun al'adun Armeniya, amfani da Harshen Armeniya, ko memba na Ikilisiyar Manzanni ta Armeniya.

Ma'anar da tarihin ra'ayi

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Wani rukuni na kabilun Bengalis a Dhaka, Bangladesh . Bengalis sun kasance kabilanci na uku mafi girma a duniya bayan Han Chinese da Larabawa.[8]
 
Mutanen Javan na Indonesia sune mafi girman kabilun Austronesian.

Ethnography begins in classical antiquity; after early authors like Anaximander and Hecataeus of Miletus, Herodotus laid the foundation of both historiography and ethnography of the ancient world c. 480 BC. The Greeks had developed a concept of their own ethnicity, which they grouped under the name of Hellenes. Herodotus (8.144.2) gave a famous account of what defined Greek (Hellenic) ethnic identity in his day, enumerating

  1. zuriyar da aka raba (Xahara homaimon, "na jini ɗaya"),  –
  2. da aka raba (ὁμόγλωσσον - homoglósson, "yana magana da yare ɗaya"),  –
  3. wuraren ibada da (Girkanci), [9] –
  4. da aka raba (Girkanci - ēthea homotropa, "al'adun irin wannan salon"). [10][11] –

Ko kabilanci ya cancanci zama al'adun duniya ya dogara da ainihin ma'anar da aka yi amfani da ita. Masana kimiyyar zamantakewa da yawa, [12] kamar su Masana ilimin ɗan adam Fredrik Barth da Eric Wolf, ba sa la'akari da asalin kabilanci ya zama na duniya. Suna ɗaukar kabilanci a matsayin samfurin takamaiman nau'ikan hulɗar tsakanin rukuni, maimakon muhimmiyar inganci da ke cikin ƙungiyoyin ɗan adam.[13]   [irrelevant citation]

A cewar Thomas Hylland Eriksen, nazarin kabilanci ya mamaye muhawara biyu daban-daban har zuwa kwanan nan.

  • Ɗaya yana tsakanin "firamare" da "kayan aiki". A cikin ra'ayi na farko, mai halarta yana fahimtar dangantakar kabilanci gaba ɗaya, a matsayin wanda aka ba shi a waje, har ma da tilastawa, haɗin zamantakewa.[14] Hanyar kayan aiki, a gefe guda, tana bi da kabilanci da farko a matsayin wani bangare na musamman na dabarun siyasa, wanda aka yi amfani da shi azaman hanya ga kungiyoyin masu sha'awa don cimma burin sakandare kamar, alal misali, karuwar dukiya, iko, ko matsayi.[15][16] Wannan muhawara har yanzu muhimmiyar ma'ana ce a kimiyyar siyasa, kodayake yawancin hanyoyin malaman sun fada tsakanin sanduna biyu.[17]
  • Tattaunawar ta biyu tana tsakanin "constructivism" da "essentialism". Masu constructivists suna kallon asalin ƙasa da kabilanci a matsayin samfurin dakarun tarihi, sau da yawa kwanan nan, koda kuwa an gabatar da asalin a matsayin tsofaffi.[18][19] Masu mahimmanci suna kallon irin waɗannan ainihi a matsayin nau'ikan ontological da ke bayyana 'yan wasan zamantakewa.[20][21]

A cewar Eriksen, an maye gurbin waɗannan muhawara, musamman a cikin ilimin ɗan adam, ta hanyar ƙoƙarin malamai don amsawa ga hanyoyin siyasa na wakilcin kai ta hanyar membobin kabilanci da kasashe daban-daban. Wannan yana cikin mahallin muhawara game da al'adu da yawa a ƙasashe, kamar Amurka da Kanada, waɗanda ke da yawan baƙi daga al'adu daban-daban, da kuma mulkin mallaka a cikin Caribbean da Kudancin Asiya.[22]

Max Weber ya ci gaba da cewa kabilun kabilanci sun kasance künstlich (na wucin gadi, watau Tsarin zamantakewa) saboda sun dogara ne akan imani na ra'ayi a cikin Gemeinschaft (al'umma). Abu na biyu, wannan imani a cikin raba Gemeinschaft bai haifar da rukuni ba; rukuni ya haifar da imani. Na uku, kafa rukuni ya samo asali ne daga fitarwa don mamaye iko da matsayi. Wannan ya saba wa imanin halitta na lokacin, wanda ya nuna cewa bambancin zamantakewa da al'adu da halayyar tsakanin mutane sun samo asali ne daga halaye da aka gada da kuma halaye da suka samo asali daga zuriya ta kowa, sannan ake kira "tseren".[23]

Another influential theoretician of ethnicity was Fredrik Barth, whose "Ethnic Groups and Boundaries" from 1969 has been described as instrumental in spreading the usage of the term in social studies in the 1980s and 1990s. Barth went further than Weber in stressing the constructed nature of ethnicity. To Barth, ethnicity was perpetually negotiated and renegotiated by both external ascription and internal self-identification. Barth's view is that ethnic groups are not discontinuous cultural isolates or logical a priori to which people naturally belong. He wanted to part with anthropological notions of cultures as bounded entities, and ethnicity as primordialist bonds, replacing it with a focus on the interface between groups. "Ethnic Groups and Boundaries", therefore, is a focus on the interconnectedness of ethnic identities. Barth writes: "... categorical ethnic distinctions do not depend on an absence of mobility, contact, and information, but do entail social processes of exclusion and incorporation whereby discrete categories are maintained despite changing participation and membership in the course of individual life histories."[ana buƙatar hujja]

A shekara ta 1978, masanin ilimin ɗan adam Ronald Cohen ya yi iƙirarin cewa gano "ƙungiyoyin kabilanci" a cikin amfani da masana kimiyyar zamantakewa sau da yawa suna nuna alamun da ba daidai ba fiye da gaskiyar 'yan asalin:

... the named ethnic identities we accept, often unthinkingly, as basic givens in the literature are often arbitrarily, or even worse inaccurately, imposed.[24]

Ta wannan hanyar, ya nuna gaskiyar cewa gano kabilanci ta hanyar baƙi, misali masanan ilimin ɗan adam, bazai dace da sanin kansu na membobin wannan rukuni ba. Ya kuma bayyana cewa a cikin shekarun da suka gabata na amfani, ana amfani da kalmar kabilanci a maimakon tsofaffin kalmomi kamar "al'adu" ko "ƙabilar" lokacin da yake magana game da ƙananan kungiyoyi tare da tsarin al'adu da aka raba da kuma al'adun da aka raba, amma cewa "kabilanci" yana da ƙarin darajar kasancewa da damar bayyana kamanceceniya tsakanin tsarin asalin rukuni a cikin al'ummomin kabilanci da na zamani. Cohen ya kuma ba da shawarar cewa da'awar game da asalin "ƙabilar" (kamar da'awar da ta gabata game da asalin" ƙabilar) sau da yawa ayyukan mulkin mallaka ne da tasirin dangantakar da ke tsakanin mutanen da aka mallaka da ƙasashe.[24]

A cewar Paul James, sau da yawa ana canza tsarin ainihi kuma ana karkatar da shi ta hanyar mulkin mallaka, amma ba a yi ainihi daga komai ba:

Categorizations about identity, even when codified and hardened into clear typologies by processes of colonization, state formation or general modernizing processes, are always full of tensions and contradictions. Sometimes these contradictions are destructive, but they can also be creative and positive.[25]

Masana kimiyyar zamantakewa sun mayar da hankali kan yadda, lokacin, da kuma dalilin da ya sa alamomi daban-daban na asalin kabilanci suka zama masu mahimmanci. Don haka, masanin ilimin ɗan adam Joan Vincent ya lura cewa iyakokin kabilanci galibi suna da halin mercurial.[26] Ronald Cohen ya kammala cewa kabilanci shine "jerin rarrabuwa na hada kai da keɓancewa".[24] Ya yarda da lurawar Joan Vincent cewa (a cikin fassarar Cohen) "Ƙabilar ...  ana iya ƙuntata ko fadada shi a cikin iyakoki dangane da takamaiman bukatun tattara siyasa.[24] Wannan na iya zama dalilin da ya sa zuriya wani lokacin alama ce ta kabilanci, kuma wani lokacin ba haka ba: wane alamar kabilanci ne ya fi dacewa ya dogara da ko mutane suna kara iyakokin kabilanci sama ko ƙasa, kuma ko suna kara su sama ko ƙasa ya dogara ne da yanayin siyasa.

Kanchan Chandra ya ki amincewa da ma'anar kabilanci (kamar wadanda suka hada da al'ada ta kowa, harshe na kowa, tarihin kowa da yankin kowa), ya zaɓi maimakon ya bayyana kabilanci a matsayin wani ɓangare na rukunin ainihi wanda aka ƙaddara ta hanyar imani na zuriyar kowa.[27] Jóhanna Birnir ta kuma bayyana kabilanci a matsayin "ƙungiya ta nuna kanta a kusa da halayyar da ke da wuyar canzawa, kamar harshe, tseren, ko wuri".

Hanyoyi don fahimtar kabilanci

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Masana kimiyyar zamantakewa daban-daban sun yi amfani da hanyoyi daban-daban don fahimtar kabilanci yayin ƙoƙarin fahimtar yanayin kabilanci a matsayin wani abu a rayuwar ɗan adam da al'umma. Kamar yadda Jonathan M. Hall ya lura, Yaƙin Duniya na II ya kasance canji a cikin nazarin kabilanci. Sakamakon wariyar launin fata na Nazi ya hana fassarar kabilanci da kabilanci. An bayyana kabilun a matsayin zamantakewar al'umma maimakon halittu. An danganta haɗin kansu ga tatsuniyoyi, zuriya, dangi, wuri na asali, yare, addini, al'adu, da halin ƙasa. Don haka, ana tunanin kabilun a matsayin masu canzawa maimakon kwanciyar hankali, waɗanda aka gina a cikin ayyukan magana maimakon rubuce-rubuce a cikin kwayoyin halitta.[28]

Misalan hanyoyi daban-daban sune primordialism, essentialism, perennialism, constructivism, modernism, da kayan aiki.

  • "Primordialism", ya ce kabilanci ya wanzu a kowane lokaci na tarihin ɗan adam kuma kabilun zamani suna da ci gaba na tarihi a cikin baya. A gare su, ra'ayin kabilanci yana da alaƙa da ra'ayin al'ummai kuma ya samo asali ne daga fahimtar ɗan adam kafin Weber kamar yadda aka raba shi zuwa ƙungiyoyin da ke akwai waɗanda suka samo asali ne ta hanyar dangi da al'adun halittu.
    • "Essentialist primordialism" ya ci gaba da cewa kabilanci gaskiya ce ta wanzuwar ɗan adam, cewa kabilun suna gaba da duk wata hulɗar zamantakewar ɗan adam kuma ba a canza ta da ita ba. Wannan ka'idar tana ganin kabilun a matsayin na halitta, ba kawai a matsayin tarihi ba. Har ila yau, yana da matsalolin da ke magance sakamakon aure, ƙaura da mulkin mallaka don abubuwan da ke tattare da al'ummomi kabilanci da yawa na zamani.
    • "Kinship primordialism" yana riƙe da cewa al'ummomin kabilanci sun karu da sassan dangi, galibi ana samo su ne ta hanyar dangi ko alaƙar dangi inda aka yi zaɓin alamun al'adu (harshe, addini, al'adu) daidai don nuna wannan alaƙar halitta. Ta wannan hanyar, ana iya fahimtar tatsuniyoyin kakannin halittu na yau da kullun waɗanda ke da ma'anar al'ummomin kabilanci kamar yadda suke wakiltar ainihin tarihin halittu. Matsalar da ke tattare da wannan ra'ayi game da kabilanci ita ce sau da yawa fiye da yadda yanayin ya kamata asalin almara na takamaiman kabilun kai tsaye ya saba wa sanannen tarihin halitta na kabilanci.[29]
    • "Geertz's primordialism", wanda masanin ilimin ɗan adam Clifford Geertz ya gabatar, ya yi jayayya cewa mutane gabaɗaya suna ba da iko mai ƙarfi ga "bayar" ɗan adam na farko kamar alaƙar jini, yare, yanki, da bambancin al'adu. A ra'ayin Geertz, kabilanci ba na farko ba ne amma mutane suna gane shi kamar haka saboda an saka shi cikin kwarewarsu game da duniya.[29]
  • "Perennialism", hanyar da ta fi damuwa da al'umma amma tana ganin al'ummomi da kabilun kamar yadda ainihin abin da ya faru ya nuna cewa al'umma, a matsayin nau'in zamantakewa da siyasa, tana da halin da ba a iya tunawa ba ko "na dindindin".[30] Smith (1999) ya bambanta bambance-bambance guda biyu: "ci gaba da ci gaba", wanda ke da'awar cewa wasu kasashe sun wanzu na dogon lokaci, da kuma "ci gaba mai maimaitawa", wanda ke mai da hankali kan fitowa, rushewa da sake bayyana kasashe a matsayin wani bangare na tarihin ɗan adam.[31]
    • "Perpetual perennialism" yana riƙe da cewa takamaiman kabilun sun kasance a kai a kai a cikin tarihi.
    • "Situational perennialism" yana riƙe da cewa al'ummai da kabilun suna fitowa, canzawa da ɓacewa ta hanyar tarihi. Wannan ra'ayi yana riƙe da cewa manufar kabilanci kayan aiki ne da kungiyoyin siyasa ke amfani da shi don sarrafa albarkatun kamar dukiya, iko, yanki ko matsayi a cikin bukatun su. Dangane da haka, kabilanci yana fitowa lokacin da ya dace a matsayin hanyar inganta abubuwan da ke tattare da su da canje-canje bisa ga canje-canjen siyasa a cikin al'umma. Ana kuma samun misalai na fassarar kabilanci a cikin Barth da Seidner waɗanda ke ganin kabilanci kamar yadda ke canza iyakoki tsakanin kungiyoyin mutane da aka kafa ta hanyar tattaunawa da hulɗa.
    • "Instrumentalist perennialism", yayin da yake ganin kabilanci da farko a matsayin kayan aiki mai amfani wanda ya gano kabilun daban-daban da iyakoki ta hanyar lokaci, ya bayyana kabilanci a matsayin hanyar zamantakewar zamantakewa, ma'ana cewa kabilanci shine tushen tsarin matsayi na mutane. A cewar Donald Noel, masanin ilimin zamantakewa wanda ya haɓaka ka'idar game da asalin kabilanci, rarraba kabilanci "tsarin rarraba ne inda ake amfani da wasu membobin rukuni (misali, kabilanci، addini, ko ƙasa) a matsayin babban ma'auni don sanya matsayi na zamantakewa".[32] Kasuwancin kabilanci yana daya daga cikin nau'ikan zamantakewar al'umma daban-daban, gami da rarraba bisa ga matsayin zamantakewa da tattalin arziki, kabilanci, ko jinsi. A cewar Donald Noel, rarraba kabilanci zai fito ne kawai lokacin da aka kawo takamaiman kabilun da suka haɗu da juna, kuma kawai lokacin da waɗannan kungiyoyin ke da babban matsayi na kabilanci, gasa, da ikon bambanci. Ethnocentrism shine halin kallon duniya da farko daga hangen nesa na al'adun mutum, da kuma rage darajar duk sauran kungiyoyi a waje da al'adun kansa. Wasu masana ilimin zamantakewa, irin su Lawrence Bobo da Vincent Hutchings, sun ce asalin kabilanci ya ta'allaka ne a cikin halin mutum na nuna bambanci na kabilanci, wanda ke da alaƙa da ka'idar kabilanci.[33] Ci gaba da ka'idar Noel, wani mataki na iko na bambanci dole ne ya kasance don fitowar kabilanci. A wasu kalmomi, rashin daidaito na iko tsakanin kabilun yana nufin "suna da irin wannan iko mara daidaito wanda mutum zai iya tilasta nufinsa a kan wani".[32] Baya ga ikon bambanci, matakin gasa da aka tsara tare da kabilanci shine abin da ake buƙata ga rarraba kabilanci. Dole ne kabilun daban-daban su yi gasa don wasu manufofi na kowa, kamar iko ko tasiri, ko kuma sha'awar kayan aiki, kamar dukiya ko yanki. Lawrence Bobo da Vincent Hutchings sun ba da shawarar cewa gasa ta samo asali ne daga son kai da ƙiyayya, kuma tana haifar da rarrabuwa da rikici.[33]
  • "Constructivism" yana ganin ra'ayoyin primordialist da perennialist a matsayin ainihin kuskure, kuma ya ƙi ra'ayin kabilanci a matsayin yanayin ɗan adam na asali.[33] Ya ci gaba da cewa kabilun kabilanci kawai samfurori ne na hulɗar zamantakewar ɗan adam, ana kiyaye su ne kawai har zuwa lokacin da aka kiyaye su a matsayin ingantaccen tsarin zamantakewa a cikin al'ummomi.
    • "Modernist constructivism" yana da alaƙa da fitowar kabilanci tare da motsi zuwa ga jihohin ƙasa da suka fara a farkon zamanin zamani. Masu goyon bayan wannan ka'idar, kamar Eric Hobsbawm, suna jayayya cewa kabilanci da ra'ayoyin girman kai na kabilanci, kamar kishin kasa, abubuwan kirkirar zamani ne kawai, suna bayyana ne kawai a zamanin zamani na tarihin duniya. Sun riƙe cewa kafin wannan kabilanci ba a dauke shi da kyau ko kuma abin da ya dace a cikin ƙirƙirar manyan al'ummomi ba.

Ƙabilar muhimmiyar hanya ce da mutane za su iya ganewa tare da babbar ƙungiya. Masana kimiyyar zamantakewa da yawa, kamar su Masana ilimin ɗan adam Fredrik Barth da Eric Wolf, ba sa la'akari da asalin kabilanci ya zama na duniya. Suna ɗaukar kabilanci a matsayin samfurin takamaiman nau'ikan hulɗar tsakanin rukuni, maimakon muhimmiyar inganci da ke cikin ƙungiyoyin ɗan adam.[13] Tsarin da ke haifar da fitowar irin wannan ganewa ana kiransa ethnogenesis . Membobin wata kabilanci, gabaɗaya, suna da'awar ci gaba da al'adu a tsawon lokaci, kodayake masana tarihi da masu ilimin al'adu sun rubuta cewa yawancin dabi'u, ayyuka, da ka'idojin da ke nuna ci gaba da baya-bayan nan ne.[34][35]

Ƙungiyoyin kabilanci na iya samar da al'adun al'adu a cikin al'umma. Wannan na iya kasancewa a cikin birni kamar Birnin New York ko Trieste, amma kuma mulkin mallaka na Daular Austro-Hungary ko Amurka. Batutuwan yanzu sune musamman bambancin zamantakewa da al'adu, multilingualism, tayin ainihi mai gasa, asalin al'adu da yawa da kuma kafa kwano na Salad da tukunyar narkewa.[36][37] Ƙungiyoyin kabilanci sun bambanta da sauran ƙungiyoyin zamantakewa, kamar su subcultures, ko ƙungiyoyin zamantakewar al'umma, saboda suna fitowa da canzawa a cikin lokutan tarihi (ƙarnuka) a cikin tsari da aka sani da ethnogenesis, wani lokaci na tsararraki da yawa na endogamy wanda ke haifar da kakanninmu ɗaya (wanda wani lokacin ana jefa shi dangane da labarin almara na mutum mai tushe); ana ƙarfafa asalin kabilanci ta hanyar ambaton "masu" - halaye da aka ce na musamman ga ƙungiyar da ya bambanta da wasu kungiyoyi.[38][39][40][41][42][43] –

Ka'idar kabilanci a Amurka

gyara sashe

Ka'idar kabilanci tana jayayya cewa kabilanci wani rukuni ne na zamantakewa kuma yana daya daga cikin dalilai da yawa wajen tantance kabilanci. Sauran ka'idoji sun haɗa da "addini, harshe, 'al'adu', ƙasa, da kuma bambancin siyasa".[44] Masanin ilimin zamantakewa Robert E. Park ne ya gabatar da wannan ka'idar a cikin shekarun 1920. Ya dogara ne akan ra'ayin "al'adu".

Wannan ka'idar ta riga ta wuce shekaru 100 a lokacin da muhimmancin halittu shine babban tsarin tseren. Muhimmancin halittu shine imani cewa wasu kabilu, musamman fararen Turai a cikin sassan yammacin tsarin, sun fi girma da sauran kabilu, galibi wadanda ba fararen fata ba ne a cikin muhawara ta yamma, sun kasance ƙasa. Wannan ra'ayi ya tashi ne a matsayin hanyar da za ta tabbatar da bautar 'yan Afirka na Afirka da kisan kare dangi na' yan asalin Amurka a cikin al'umma da aka kafa a hukumance akan' yanci ga kowa. Wannan ra'ayi ne wanda ya bunkasa sannu a hankali kuma ya zama damuwa da masana kimiyya, masu ilimin tauhidi, da jama'a. Cibiyoyin addini sun yi tambayoyi game da ko akwai halittu masu yawa na kabilanci (polygenesis) da kuma ko Allah ya halicci ƙananan kabilanci. Yawancin manyan masana kimiyya na lokacin sun ɗauki ra'ayin bambancin launin fata kuma sun gano cewa fararen Turai sun fi girma.[45]

Ka'idar kabilanci ta dogara ne akan tsarin daidaitawa. Park ya tsara matakai huɗu don daidaitawa: hulɗa, rikici, masauki, da daidaitawa. Maimakon danganta matsayin marginalized na mutane masu launin fata a Amurka ga su da dabi'ar halitta ƙarancin su, ya danganta shi da gazawar su na daidaitawa cikin al'adun Amurka. Za su iya zama daidai idan sun watsar da al'adunsu marasa kyau.

Michael Omi da Howard Winant's theory of race formation kai tsaye ya fuskanci duka mahallin da kuma ayyukan ka'idar kabilanci. Sun yi jayayya a cikin Racial Formation a Amurka cewa ka'idar kabilanci ta dogara ne kawai akan tsarin shige da fice na yawan fararen fata kuma sun yi la'akari da abubuwan da suka faru na musamman na wadanda ba fararen fata ba a Amurka.[46] Duk da yake ka'idar Park ta gano matakai daban a cikin tsarin shige da fice hulɗa, rikici, gwagwarmaya, kuma a matsayin amsa ta ƙarshe da mafi kyau, daidaitawa - ya yi haka ne kawai ga al'ummomin fari.[46]  –  – Tsarin kabilanci ya yi watsi da hanyoyin da kabilanci zai iya rikitar da hulɗar al'umma tare da tsarin zamantakewa da siyasa, musamman a kan hulɗa.

Daidaitawa zubar da wasu halaye na al'adun asali don manufar haɗuwa da al'adun masu karɓar bakuncin bai yi aiki ga wasu kungiyoyi a matsayin martani ga wariyar launin fata da nuna bambanci ba, kodayake ya yi wa wasu.[46]  –  – Da zarar an rushe shingen doka don cimma daidaito, matsalar wariyar launin fata ta zama alhakin al'ummomin da suka riga sun rasa.[47] An ɗauka cewa idan al'ummar Black ko Latino ba su "yi" ta hanyar ka'idodin da fararen suka kafa ba, saboda wannan al'umma ba ta riƙe dabi'u ko imani masu kyau ba, ko kuma suna tsayayya da ƙa'idodi masu rinjaye saboda ba sa son shiga ciki. Tattaunawar Omi da Winant game da ka'idar kabilanci sun bayyana yadda kallon lahani na al'adu a matsayin tushen rashin daidaito ya yi watsi da "tsarin zamantakewar siyasa na zamantakewa wanda abubuwan da suka faru a cikin launin fata ke aiki a Amurka" Yana hana bincike mai mahimmanci game da abubuwan da ke cikin tsarin wariyar launin fata kuma yana ƙarfafa "rashin kula" na rashin daidaito na zamantakewa. [48][48]

Ƙabilar da ƙasa

gyara sashe

manazarta

gyara sashe
  1. ↑ "Insight into Ethnic Differences". National Institutes of Health (NIH) (in Turanci). 2015-05-25. Archived from the original on 2021-08-02. Retrieved 2021-08-02.
  2. ↑ Banda, Yambazi; Kvale, Mark N.; Hoffmann, Thomas J.; Hesselson, Stephanie E.; Ranatunga, Dilrini; Tang, Hua; Sabatti, Chiara; Croen, Lisa A.; Dispensa, Brad P.; Henderson, Mary; Iribarren, Carlos (2015-08-01). "Characterizing Race/Ethnicity and Genetic Ancestry for 100,000 Subjects in the Genetic Epidemiology Research on Adult Health and Aging (GERA) Cohort". Genetics (in Turanci). 200 (4): 1285–1295. doi:10.1534/genetics.115.178616. ISSN 0016-6731. PMC 4574246. PMID 26092716. Archived from the original on 2021-08-02. Retrieved 2021-08-02.
  3. ↑ Salter, Frank; Harpending, Henry (2013-07-01). "J.P. Rushton's theory of ethnic nepotism". Personality and Individual Differences (in Turanci). 55 (3): 256–260. doi:10.1016/j.paid.2012.11.014. ISSN 0191-8869. Archived from the original on 2021-08-02. Retrieved 2021-08-02.
  4. ↑ Bayar, Murat (2009-10-14). "Reconsidering primordialism: an alternative approach to the study of ethnicity". Ethnic and Racial Studies (in Turanci). 32 (9): 1639–1657. doi:10.1080/01419870902763878. S2CID 143391013. Archived from the original on 2022-03-03. Retrieved 2021-01-05.
  5. ↑ Chandra Ford; Nina T Harawa (29 April 2010). "A new conceptualization of ethnicity for social epidemiologic and health equity research". Soc Sci Med. 71 (2): 251–258. doi:10.1016/j.socscimed.2010.04.008. PMC 2908006. PMID 20488602.
  6. ↑ ThiE. Tonkin, M. McDonald and M. Chapman, History and Ethnicity (London 1989), pp. 11–17 (quoted in J. Hutchinson & A.D. Smith (eds.), Oxford readers: Ethnicity (Oxford 1996), pp. 18–24)
  7. ↑ Oxford English Dictionary Second edition, online version as of 2008-01-12, "ethnic, a. and n.". Cites Sir Daniel Wilson, The archæology and prehistoric annals of Scotland 1851 (1863) and Huxley & Haddon (1935), We Europeans, pp. 136,181
  8. ↑ roughly 300 million worldwide (CIA Factbook 2014 estimates, numbers subject to rapid population growth).
  9. ↑ I. Polinskaya, "Shared sanctuaries and the gods of others: On the meaning Of 'common' in Herodotus 8.144", in R. Rosen & I. Sluiter (eds.), Valuing others in Classical Antiquity (Leiden: Brill, 2010), 43–70.
  10. ↑ Herodotus, 8.144.2: "The kinship of all Greeks in blood and speech, and the shrines of gods and the sacrifices that we have in common, and the likeness of our way of life."
  11. ↑ Athena S. Leoussi, Steven Grosby, Nationalism and Ethnosymbolism: History, Culture, and Ethnicity in the Formation of Nations, Edinburgh University Press, 2006, p. 115
  12. ↑ "Challenges of measuring an ethnic world". Publications.gc.ca. The Government of Canada. April 1, 1992. Archived from the original on September 20, 2016. Retrieved August 28, 2016. Ethnicity is a fundamental factor in human life: it is a phenomenon inherent in human experience.
  13. ↑ 13.0 13.1 Fredrik Barth, ed. 1969 Ethnic Groups and Boundaries: The Social Organization of Cultural Difference; Eric Wolf 1982 Europe and the People Without History p. 381
  14. ↑ Geertz, Clifford, ed. (1967) Old Societies and New States: The Quest for Modernity in Africa and Asia. New York: The Free Press.
  15. ↑ Cohen, Abner (1969) Custom and Politics in Urban Africa: A Study of Hausa Migrants in a Yoruba Town. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul.
  16. ↑ Abner Cohen (1974) Two-Dimensional Man: An essay on power and symbolism in complex society. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul.
  17. ↑ J. Hutchinson & A.D. Smith (eds.), Oxford readers: Ethnicity (Oxford 1996), "Introduction", 8–9
  18. ↑ Gellner, Ernest (1983) Nations and Nationalism. Oxford: Blackwell.
  19. ↑ Ernest Gellner (1997) Nationalism. London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson.
  20. ↑ Smith, Anthony D. (1986) The Ethnic Origins of Nations. Oxford: Blackwell.
  21. ↑ Anthony Smith (1991) National Identity. Harmondsworth: Penguin.
  22. ↑ T.H. Eriksen "Ethnic identity, national identity and intergroup conflict: The significance of personal experiences" in Ashmore, Jussim, Wilder (eds.): Social identity, intergroup conflict, and conflict reduction, pp. 42–70. Oxford: Oxford University Press. 2001
  23. ↑ Banton, Michael. (2007) "Weber on Ethnic Communities: A critique", Nations and Nationalism 13 (1), 2007, 19–35.
  24. ↑ 24.0 24.1 24.2 24.3 Ronald Cohen 1978 "Ethnicity: Problem and Focus in Anthropology", Annual Review of Anthropology 7: 383–384 Palo Alto: Stanford University Press
  25. ↑ James, Paul (2015). "Despite the Terrors of Typologies: The Importance of Understanding Categories of Difference and Identity". Interventions: International Journal of Postcolonial Studies. 17 (2): 174–195. doi:10.1080/1369801X.2014.993332. S2CID 142378403. Archived from the original on 2021-08-17. Retrieved 2016-03-12.
  26. ↑ Vincent, Joan (1974), "The Structure of Ethnicity" in Human Organization 33(4): 375–379
  27. ↑ Chandra, Kanchan (2006). "What is Ethnic Identity and Does it Matter?". Annual Review of Political Science. 9 (1): 397–424. doi:10.1146/annurev.polisci.9.062404.170715. ISSN 1094-2939.
  28. ↑ "David Konstan, "Defining Ancient Greek Ethnicity", Diaspora: A Journal of Transnational Studies, vol. 6, 1 (1997), pp. 97–98. Overview of J.M. Hall's book "Ethnic Identity in Greek Antiquity", Cambridge University Press, 1997" (PDF). Archived (PDF) from the original on 2018-04-17. Retrieved 2018-06-02.
  29. ↑ 29.0 29.1 Cite error: Invalid <ref> tag; no text was provided for refs named smith13
  30. ↑ Smith (1998), 159.
  31. ↑ Smith (1999), 5.
  32. ↑ 32.0 32.1 Noel, Donald L. (1968). "A Theory of the Origin of Ethnic Stratification". Social Problems. 16 (2): 157–172. doi:10.2307/800001. JSTOR 800001.
  33. ↑ 33.0 33.1 33.2 Bobo, Lawrence; Hutchings, Vincent L. (1996). "Perceptions of Racial Group Competition: Extending Blumer's Theory of Group Position to a Multiracial Social Context". American Sociological Review. American Sociological Association. 61 (6): 951–972. doi:10.2307/2096302. JSTOR 2096302.
  34. ↑ Hobsbawm and Ranger (1983), The Invention of Tradition
  35. ↑ Sider 1993 Lumbee Indian Histories.
  36. ↑ Pieter M. Judson The Habsburg Empire. A New History (Harvard 2016)
  37. ↑ Patricia Engelhorn "Wie Wien mit Meersicht: Ein Tag in der Hafenstadt Triest" In: NZZ 15.2.2020; Roberto Scarciglia Trieste multiculturale: comunità e linguaggi di integrazione (2011); Ibanez B. Penas, Ma. Carmen López Sáenz. "Interculturalism: Between Identity and Diversity". (Bern) 2006. p 15.
  38. ↑ Camoroff, John L. and Jean Camoroff 2009: Ethnicity Inc. Chicago: Chicago Press.
  39. ↑ The Invention of Tradition
  40. ↑ Sider 1993 Lumbee Indian Histories
  41. ↑ O'Neil, Dennis. "Nature of Ethnicity". Palomar College. Archived from the original on 5 December 2012. Retrieved 7 January 2013.
  42. ↑ Seidner, (1982), Ethnicity, Language, and Power from a Psycholinguistic Perspective, pp. 2–3
  43. ↑ Smith 1987 pp. 21–22
  44. ↑ Omi & Winant 1986
  45. ↑ Omi & Winant 1986
  46. ↑ 46.0 46.1 46.2 Omi & Winant 1986
  47. ↑ Omi & Winant 1986
  48. ↑ 48.0 48.1 Omi & Winant 1986
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