Wikipedia

Hutun iyaye


Hutun iyaye, ko hutun iyali, amfanin ma'aikaci ne a kusan dukkanin ƙasashe duniya. Kalmar "hutu na iyaye" na iya haɗawa da haihuwa, iyaye, da izinin tallafi; ko uba ana iya amfani da shi daban daga "hutuwar haihuwa" da "hutuwan iyaye" don bayyana izinin iyali daban-daban ga kowanne iyaye don kula da kananan yara.[1] A wasu ƙasashe da hukunce-hukunce, "hukunce na iyali" ya haɗa da hutun da aka bayar don kula da marasa lafiya. Sau da yawa, mafi ƙarancin fa'idodi da bukatun cancanta doka ce ta tsara su.

Hutun iyaye
Bayanai
Ƙaramin ɓangare na family leave (en) Fassara
Amfani child care (en) Fassara
Suna a Kana いくじきゅうぎょう
Nuni don hutun iyaye a Majalisar Tarayyar Turai
iyaye su biya domin su huta

Ana ba da izinin iyaye ko na iyali ba tare da biyan kuɗi ba lokacin da ake buƙatar ma'aikaci ya riƙe aikin ma'aikacin yayin da ma'aikacen ke yin hutu. Iyaye da aka biya ko hutun iyali yana ba da lokacin biyan kuɗi don kula da ko yin shirye-shirye don jin daɗin yaro ko memba mai dogaro. Misalai uku na kudade sune inshorar zamantakewa / Tsaro na jama'a da gwamnati ta ba da umarni (inda ma'aikata, ma'aikata ko masu biyan haraji gabaɗaya ke ba da gudummawa ga takamaiman asusun jama'a), alhakin ma'aikaci (inda ma ma'aikacin dole ne ya biya ma'aikace tsawon hutun), da kuma manufofi masu gauraye waɗanda suka haɗu da tsaro na jamaʼa da alhakin.[2]

An sami izinin iyaye a matsayin haƙƙin doka ko shirin gwamnati na shekaru da yawa a cikin wani nau'i ko wani. A cikin shekara ta 2014, Kungiyar Kwadago ta Duniya ta sake nazarin manufofin hutun iyaye a kasashe da yankuna 185, kuma ta gano cewa duk ƙasashe sai dai Papua New Guinea suna da dokoki da ke ba da umarnin wasu nau'ikan hutun iyaye.[3] Wani bincike daban ya nuna cewa daga cikin kasashe 186 da aka bincika, kashi 96% sun ba da wasu albashi ga uwaye a lokacin hutu, amma kashi 44% ne kawai na waɗancan ƙasashe suka ba da wannan ga iyaye.[4] Tsibirin Marshall, Micronesia, Nauru, Palau, Papua New Guinea, Tonga da Amurka sune kasashe bakwai kawai a cikin Majalisar Dinkin Duniya waɗanda ba sa buƙatar ma'aikata su samar da lokacin biyan kuɗi ga sababbin iyaye.[5][6] Ma'aikata masu zaman kansu wani lokacin suna ba da ko dai ko duka ba a biya su ba kuma ana biyan su izinin iyaye a waje ko ban da kowane umarni na doka.

Bincike ya danganta hutun iyaye da aka biya zuwa ingantaccen sakamako na kiwon lafiya ga yara, [7] da kuma uwaye. [8]

Tsarin tattalin arziki

gyara sashe

Fa'idodin hutun iyaye na duniya

gyara sashe

Hanyar iyawa

gyara sashe

Amartya Sen da Martha Nussbaum sun habaka tsarin siyasa da aka sani da tsarin iyawa, inda aka hada 'yanci da dama na asali a cikin kididdigar tattalin arziki na jin daɗin kasar, ban da GDP.[9][10] Nussbaum ya ba da shawarar damar tsakiya 11 a matsayin mafi karancin abin da ake bukata don al'umma mai kyau. A cikin tsarin Nussbaum, jihohi ya kamata su samar da albarkatu da 'yanci don tabbatar da cewa mutane suna da damar cimma matsakaicin kofar kowane karfin tsakiya. Universal, biyan izinin iyaye misali ne na jihohin da za su iya samarwa don haka mutane suna da zabi na fara iyali yayin da suke aiki; alal misali, a karkashin damar 10 (kula da mahalli), jihar tana da alhakin tabbatar da cewa duk mutane suna da "yancin neman aiki daidai da wasu".[10]

Kudin shiga da ma'aikata

gyara sashe

Hutun iyaye da aka biya yana ƙarfafa haɗin kasuwar aiki ga mata kafin da bayan haihuwa, yana shafar GDP da yawan aiki na ƙasa, yayin da ma'aikata suka fi girma.[11][12][13][14] Hutun iyaye yana ƙara kuɗin shiga a matakin gida ta hanyar tallafawa iyalai masu karɓa biyu.[15]

Hutun iyaye da aka biya yana ƙarfafa haihuwa, wanda ke shafar ma'aikata na gaba. Don haka ana jayayya cewa hutun iyaye da aka biya, sabanin hutun iyaye marasa biyan kuɗi, yana da lahani ga jin daɗin yara saboda a ƙasashe masu tsufa ko ƙasashe masu ƙarancin haihuwa, ana haifi yara ba saboda iyaye suna son yaron ba kuma suna iya biyan bukatun yaron amma saboda ana sa ran yara su tallafa wa iyayensu. Wasu suna ganin yara suna da alhakin tallafawa duk waɗanda ke cikin tsofaffi a cikin al'umma (ba kawai iyayen yaron ba); ana sa ran ba za a adana kuɗin da suke samu ba don tsufa na yara, amma za a kashe su akan bukatar tsararraki na baya don tsaron jama'a da fansho wanda ba a adana isasshen ajiya ba.[16][17]

Kalubale ga duniya, hutun da aka biya

gyara sashe

Nuna bambanci na kididdiga

gyara sashe

Tsarin neoclassical na kasuwannin aiki ya annabta cewa, idan ana sa ran farashin daukar mata masu shekaru masu haihuwa zai karu (ko dai saboda an ba ma'aikaci damar biyan izinin haihuwa ko kuma saboda ba za ta kasance daga aiki a hutun jama'a ba), to "bukatar" ga mata a kasuwar aiki za ta ragu. Duk da yake nuna bambanci tsakanin jinsi ba bisa ka'ida ba ne, ba tare da wani irin magani ba tsarin neoclassical zai hango hasashen " nuna bambanci na kididdiga" game da hayar mata masu shekaru masu haihuwa.[18][19] Don magance wannan, wasu ƙasashe sun gabatar da manufofi don ƙara yawan izinin iyaye don yada tasirin farashi daidai a duk faɗin kasuwar ma'aikata.[20]

Rarraba jima'i a cikin aiki

gyara sashe

Idan mata suka dauki dogon ganye na iyaye, tsarin neoclassical zai yi hasashen cewa ribar rayuwarsu da damar samun ci gaba za su kasance ƙasa da takwarorinsu na namiji ko marasa haihuwa - "Hukuncin uwa".[21] Mata na iya neman bangarorin aiki waɗanda ke da "abokan iyali" (watau, tare da manufofin hutun iyaye masu karimci), wanda ke haifar da rarrabewar jima'i.[22] Nielsen, Simonsen, da Verner sun bincika abin da sakamakon daban-daban ga mata a Denmark suke tsakanin "abokan iyali" da "ba na iyali ba".[11] A Denmark, bangaren jama'a "mai sadaukar da iyali" ne saboda hutun sa da amfanin ma'aikata; ma'aikata suna yanke shawarar wane bangare za su yi aiki bisa ga abubuwan da suka fi so da dama. Binciken ya gano cewa, yayin da a cikin bangaren "abokan iyali" babu asarar albashi da ke da alaƙa da ɗaukar hutun iyaye, mata suna da asarar kuɗi a cikin bangarorin masu zaman kansu "marasa iyali" don hutun shekara guda.[11]

Kudin

gyara sashe

Za'a iya ba da izinin iyaye na duniya (watau, kamfanoni suna da izinin ɗaukar kuɗin lokacin hutu na iyaye a matsayin wani ɓangare na fa'idodin ma'aikata) ko kuma a ba da kuɗin jama'a (watau kai tsaye ga ma'aikata a hutu, kamar inshorar rashin aikin yi). Damuwa game da kudade masu zaman kansu sun haɗa da nuna bambanci na kididdiga da aka bayyana a sama da kuma farashin ga ƙananan kamfanoni. Datta Gupta, Smith, & Verneer sun gano a cikin 2008 cewa, yayin da hutun iyaye na jama'a ke da fa'idodi, yana da tsada sosai don tallafawa da tambaya idan shine mafi kyawun amfani da kudade.[23]

Rashin amincewa da 'mahaifin'

gyara sashe

Matsayin uba shine manufofin da wasu ƙasashe ko kamfanoni suka aiwatar waɗanda ke ajiye wani ɓangare na hutun iyaye ko wasu nau'ikan hutun iyali ga uba. Idan mahaifin bai dauki wannan ɓangaren da aka tanada ba, iyalin sun rasa wannan lokacin barin - wato, ba za a iya canja shi ga mahaifiyar ba. Idan aka ba da yawan mata da ke shiga cikin ma'aikata a sassa da yawa na duniya, akwai karuwar sha'awa tsakanin masana kimiyyar zamantakewa da masu tsara manufofi don tallafawa daidaitattun rarraba ma'aikata tsakanin abokan tarayya. Wasu masu sukar suna tambaya ko irin waɗannan manufofi sun dogara ne akan shaida kuma suna nuna damuwa cewa su "gwaji ne na zamantakewa, wanda ba a san tasirinsa ba". Koyaya, wasu binciken sun nuna cewa izinin iyaye yana inganta alaƙa tsakanin iyaye da yara kuma yana taimakawa wajen rage gibin albashi da mata ke fuskanta bayan sun sami izinin haihuwa.[24] Sauran ra'ayoyin ilimin halayyar mutum sun taƙaita shaidu kuma sun gano cewa rawar da uba ke takawa a ci gaban yaro yayi kama da na uwa, yana magance damuwa cewa mafi yawan shiga cikin iyaye a cikin kula da yara na iya haifar da mummunan sakamako.[25] Sau da yawa ana nuna rashin damuwa game da ra'ayin barin iyaye, amma yana Allah wadai da gaskiyar cewa manufofin iyakar uba ba su ba da damar a ba da wannan lokacin ga mahaifiyar ba. Masu sukar suna jayayya cewa adadin yana cutar da uwaye, yana hana su izinin da ake buƙata, yana rage gaskiyar halittu, kuma misali ne na nuna bambanci ga uwaye.[26]

A cikin Tarayyar Turai, izinin iyaye da ba za a iya canja shi ba ya kasance batun jayayya.[27] An fara gabatar da shi ne ta hanyar Dokar Hutun Iyaye ta 2010, wanda ke buƙatar aƙalla wata ɗaya daga cikin mafi ƙarancin watanni huɗu na hutun iyaye ba za a iya canja shi ba; wannan lokacin da ba za a canza shi ba ya karu zuwa watanni biyu ta hanyar Dokar Ma'aunin Ayyuka-Rayuwa ta 2019, wanda dole ne jihohin membobin su canza shi a ƙarshe a ranar 2 ga Agusta 2022. Da farko, shirin a karkashin Dokar Ma'aunin Rayuwa shine don kara lokacin da ba za a iya canja shi ba zuwa watanni huɗu, amma saboda rashin iya cimma yarjejeniya tsakanin jihohin membobin, an cimma matsaya a watanni biyu.[28] (Lura: wannan yana nufin takamaiman irin hutun da ake kira hutun iyaye, a karkashin dokar EU akwai nau'ikan hutun daban-daban, kamar hutun haihuwa, hutun iyaye، hutun iyaye da hutun kulawa waɗanda aka tsara daban).

Don ƙarin bayani, duba Paternity leave da sakamakonsa.

Kwatanta tsakanin ƙasashe

gyara sashe

Kwatanta tsakanin ƙasashe dangane da fa'idodin ma'aikata don barin iyaye galibi ana ƙoƙarin yin su, amma waɗannan suna da wuyar yin su saboda rikitarwa na nau'ikan hutun da ake da su kuma saboda sharuɗɗa kamar hutun haihuwa, hutun haihuwa kafin haihuwa, hutunin bayan haihuwa, hutunar iyaye, hutun iyali da hutun kula da gida, suna da ma'anoni daban-daban a cikin iko daban-daban. Ana iya amfani da irin waɗannan kalmomin ba daidai ba. Idan aka kwatanta tsawon hutun haihuwa (wanda ya zama ruwan dare a cikin matsayi na kasa da kasa) na iya faɗi kadan game da halin da iyali ke ciki a cikin wata ƙasa. Kasar misali na iya samun hutun haihuwa na dogon lokaci amma gajeren (ko babu) hutun iyaye ko iyali, ko akasin haka.[29][30] A cikin Tarayyar Turai, kowace ƙasa tana da manufofinta, waɗanda suka bambanta sosai, amma duk membobin EU dole ne su bi mafi ƙarancin ƙa'idodin Dokokin Ma'aikata masu ciki da Dokokin Mahimmanci na Rayuwa.[31]

Wani lokaci akwai karkatarwa a yadda ake bayar da rahoton hutun haihuwa kuma an rarraba shi daga wasu nau'ikan hutun, musamman a yankuna inda babu wata kalma ta doka ta " hutun haihuwa", kuma ana amfani da irin wannan kalmar ba bisa ka'ida ba don nuna ko dai mafi ƙarancin ko matsakaicin lokacin hutun iyaye da aka tanada ta hanyar ƙididdiga ga mahaifiyar.[32] Wasu ƙasashe na iya kasancewa da aka lissafa su ta hanyar wucin gadi kamar yadda suke da fa'idodi masu yawa. Sweden wani lokacin ana lissafa ta a cikin kididdigar kasa da kasa kamar yadda take da kwanaki 480 'yancin haihuwa', kodayake waɗannan kwanakin sun haɗa da hutun iyaye.[33] Saboda haka, sau da yawa ana ambaton Sweden tana da hutu mai tsawo, kodayake akwai ƙasashe da yawa da ke da hutu mai tsayi, lokacin da aka kara hutun haihuwa da sauran ganye, inda iyaye zasu iya yin hutu har sai yaro ya kai shekaru 3.

Samun izinin iyaye

gyara sashe

Tasirin tsara

gyara sashe

Bincike ya nuna cewa tsawon lokacin hutun iyaye tsakanin mutane yana rinjayar halayyar tsara.[34] Misali, idan uwa ta lura da abokin aiki yana zaɓar hutun iyaye mai tsawo, yiwuwar ita ta kara hutun haihuwa yana ƙaruwa. Welteke da Worhlich (2019) [34] labarin sun gano cewa mahaifiyar da ke da juna biyu da ke da hutun iyaye sama da watanni goma sun kasance kashi talatin cikin dari da za su iya ɗaukar fiye da watanni goma idan aka kwatanta da iyaye masu juna biyu waɗanda takwarorinsu suka ɗauki ɗan gajeren hutu. Tasirin tasirin tsara ba kawai ga uwaye masu juna biyu ba har ma da iyaye. Bincike a Norway ya gano cewa iyayen da ke da ciki sun kasance kashi 11 cikin dari na iya ɗaukar izinin iyaye idan sun ga abokan aikinsu suna amfani da wannan fa'idar.[35] Baya ga abokan aiki, iyayen da ke da ciki sun kasance kashi 15 cikin dari na iya amfani da izinin iyaye idan ɗan'uwansu ya yi amfani da shirin.[35] Dahl et al., (2014) [35] bincike ya kuma sami tasirin dusar ƙanƙara da ke faruwa a wuraren aiki inda iyaye ke amfani da izinin iyaye.Wannan yana nufin tare da kowane ƙarin abokin aiki yana amfani da fa'idodin hutun iyaye a ofishin, yiwuwar wasu su yi amfani da fa-idodin shirin.[35][36]

Akwai muhawara masu gasa game da dalilin da ya sa takwarorinsu ke da tasiri ga lokacin hutun uba na iyaye masu tsammanin. Tunanin farko ya samo asali ne daga uwaye da ke koyo daga takwarorinsu game da shirye-shiryen hutun iyaye da ba su sani ba a baya. Wannan karuwar wayar da kan jama'a zai haifar da karin uwaye da ke amfani da hutun iyaye na dogon lokaci. Wani ra'ayi mai fafatawa ya bayyana cewa lokacin da abokan aiki suka kara hutun ciki, canji ya zama a cikin ka'idodin zamantakewa na wannan wurin aiki.[34] Wannan sabon abu an san shi da "halayyar garken" wanda canjin al'adun gargajiya a wurin aiki ya canza halayyar ma'aikata.[36]

Amfani da izinin iyaye ga iyaye

gyara sashe

Abubuwa da yawa suna tasiri ga ɗaukar izinin iyaye ta iyaye masu juna biyu. Misali, bincike ya gano cewa iyayen da ke da ilimin sakandare sun fi 28% damar daukar shirye-shiryen hutun iyaye fiye da iyayen da ba su sami ilimin sakandare ba. Bugu da ƙari, iyayen da ke da ilimi na sakandare sun kasance kashi 67% mafi yiwuwar ɗaukar hutun iyaye fiye da watanni biyu fiye da iyayen da suka sami ilimin sakandare.[37]

Bugu da ƙari, an lura da matakan samun kudin shiga na iyaye don yin tasiri ga ɗaukar izinin iyaye na iyaye. Iyaye masu karamin karfi ba su iya amfani da hutun iyaye ba, kuma idan sun dauki lokaci, ya fi guntu idan aka kwatanta da iyayen da ke da mafi girman kudin shiga.[37] Bambance-bambance tsakanin yawan jama'a guda biyu na iya zama saboda iyayen da ke da ƙananan kudaden shiga da ke ƙuntata ta hanyar kudaden mutum. Iyaye a cikin dangantakar jima'i ba su da damar daukar izinin iyaye idan mahaifiyar kanta mai karamin kuɗi ce.[37] Rashin kudin shiga na mahaifiyar yana da alaƙa da mahaifin da ke karɓar izinin iyaye kaɗan. Wannan na iya zama saboda mahaifin yana son mahaifiyar ta dauki hutu mai tsawo ko wasu dalilai; kamar matsin lamba don samar da iyalin ta hanyar kudi.[38]

Bincike a Sweden ya gano cewa iyayen da aka haifa a kasashen waje ba su da damar shiga hutun iyaye fiye da iyayen da suka haifa a Sweden.[37] Marubutan sun yi la'akari da cewa wannan sakamakon na iya nuna rashin daidaituwa na kasuwannin ma'aikata ga baƙi na ƙarni na farko. Bugu da ƙari, akwai yiwuwar mafi girma ga baƙi na ƙarni na farko don rashin samun damar samun bayanai game da hutun iyaye na iya taimakawa ga raguwar ɗaukarwa daga wannan yawan jama'a.

Wani bangare da ke tasiri ga ɗaukar izinin iyaye shine yanayin jinsi a gida da aiki.[38] A cikin gidaje da ke da kyakkyawar alaƙa tsakanin shigar iyaye da dabi'un daidaito, ana ƙara amfani da izinin iyaye. Yanayin wurin aiki wanda ke inganta hutun iyaye ga iyaye kamar yadda yake da mahimmanci ya haifar da yiwuwar waɗannan iyaye su ɗauki hutun iyaye na dogon lokaci. Sabanin haka, al'adun wurin aiki wanda ke kallon hutun uba a matsayin alamar halaye marasa kyau na aiki kuma a matsayin "mata" yana sa iyaye a wannan yanayin su kasance da ƙarancin shiga cikin hutun iyaye.[38] A Ostiraliya an yi jayayya, ta hanyar Georgie Dent, cewa ɗaukar hutun iyaye ta iyaye na iya ba da damar shiga ma'aikatan mata, wanda ke haifar da ingantaccen sakamakon tattalin arziki ga iyalai da ƙasar.

Samun cancanta da karbar izinin iyaye ga uwaye

gyara sashe

Samun cancanta da daukar shirye-shiryen hutun iyaye ba daidai ba ne tsakanin duk yawan jama'a na iyaye mata masu jiran. A mafi yawan kasashen Turai, ana ba da izinin iyaye ga iyaye, yawanci bayan izinin haihuwa da izinin uba. A wasu kasashe, hutun iyaye yana da bukatu masu kuntatawa fiye da hutun haihuwa ko hutun iyaye. Binciken da Marynissen, Wood da Neels suka yi (2021) [39] sun gano cewa kashi 26.37% na uwaye a Belgium ba su cancanci hutun iyaye ba. Wannan ya faru ne saboda ka'idojin cancantar aiki da ke cikin shirin hutun iyaye na kasar (ko da yake mata marasa aikin yi suna karɓar hutun haihuwa). [40] Ta hanyar amfani da ma'auni na aiki, masana sun lura cewa wannan yana haifar da shingen ga uwaye marasa aikin yi a halin yanzu don samun damar daukar karin lokaci don neman aiki da kula da yaransu.[41] Wani iyakancewar da ke akwai tare da ka'idojin aiki shine cewa a wasu kasashe masu aiki da kansu ba su cancanci wasu fa'idodin iyaye ba.[41] Misali, a Belgium, mace mai aiki da kanta tana karbar izinin haihuwa wanda ya fi guntu kuma ya fi biyan kudi fiye da mace mai aiki; kuma ba ta karbar izini na iyaye.[42] Har ila yau, akwai wasu sa'o'i da ma'aikaci ya hadu kafin ya cancanci hutun iyaye na aiki.[43] Wadannan dalilai daban-daban suna iyakance damar samun kulawa ta iyaye ga iyaye masu jiran haihuwa. Iyaye masu sa ran wadanda wadannan ka'idodin suka fi shafa yawanci karami ne, marasa aure, marasa ilimi ko kuma daga asalin kaura.[39]

Baya ga bambance-bambance da ke cikin cancanta, akwai bambanci tsakanin iyaye mata masu jiran da ke amfani da fa'idodin hutun iyaye. Misali, binciken da Kil, Wood da Neels suka yi (2018) [44] sun gano cewa 'yan asalin kasar Belgium suna da karbar shirye-shiryen iyaye (52%) idan aka kwatanta da' yan asalin Belgium na farko daga Turkiyya da Morocco, wadanda karbar su ya kasance ƙasa (34%). Bambancin da ke cikin daukarwa za a iya danganta shi da dalilai kamar sassauci na hutun iyaye, al'adun wurin aiki, manufofin al'adu na hutun da aka biya, ba tare da sanin game da shirin da kansa da sauran abubuwan da suka shafi amfani da hutun da ake biya ba.[39]

Bincike ya gano cewa uwaye da ke cikin dangantakar jinsi daya ba su da damar daukar izinin iyaye fiye da uwaye da suke cikin dangantakar jima'i daban-daban.[45] Evertsson da Boye (2018) [45] sun gano cewa uwaye masu haihuwa a cikin jima'i guda, a matsakaita, sun dauki makonni bakwai kasa da izinin iyaye fiye da uwaye masu haifuwa a cikin jimaʼi daban-daban. Marubutan sun yi nuni da cewa ka'idojin jinsi suna haifar da bambanci tsakanin lokacin haihuwa tsakanin uwaye a cikin dangantakar jima'i idan aka kwatanta da dangantakar jima-i daban-daban.[45]

Samun izinin iyaye ga ma'aurata na jinsi daya

gyara sashe

Samun izinin iyaye ga ma'aurata na jinsi daya ya dogara da dalilai da yawa: akan manufofin tallafi (a kan ko ma'auratan jinsi daya za su iya daukar tare ko a'a; akan ko an yarda da iyaye daya su dauki ko a'ana - kuma idan ee, ko iyaye na biyu za su iya karbar - da kuma dokokin maye gurbin). Dangane da binciken da ya bincika manufofi a cikin kasashe 34 na OECD, a cikin goma sha tara daga cikin wadannan kasashe, ma'aurata mata na jinsi daya sun sami adadin adadin izinin iyaye kamar ma'auratan jima'i daban-daban.[46] Ga ma'aurata maza masu jinsi daya, kasashe hudu sun ba da izinin iyaye iri ɗaya kamar ma'auratan jima'i daban-daban. Sabili da haka, kasashe ashirin da tara na OECD sun ba da dan gajeren lokacin hutun iyaye da kananan fa'idodi ga iyayen maza na jinsi daya. Bugu da kari, wasu kasashe, kamar Turkiyya da Isra'ila, ba su ba da damar hutun iyaye ko kuma sun biya hutun iyaye maza masu juna biyu ba.[46]

Dalilin bambance-bambance a cikin hutun iyaye tsakanin ma'aurata masu jinsi guda da ma'auratunta masu jinsi daban-daban an yi la'akari da cewa suna da bayani daban-daban, yawanci suna da alaka da wanda zai iya zama iyaye na doka. Daya daga cikin abubuwan da ke shafar lokacin hutun iyaye ga ma'aurata masu jinsi daya shine harshen kuntatawa da aka samu a cikin manufofin hutun iyaye. Binciken ya gano cewa wasu manufofi na hutun iyaye kawai suna magana ne game da ma'aurata masu jima'i kuma ba su haɗa da ma'auratan jinsi daya a cikin dokar ba, wanda ya haifar da karuwar shingen ga iyaye masu jinsi daya don samun hutun biyan kudi. Wani muhimmin shingen ya zo ne lokacin da ma'aurata masu jinsi guda suka yi kokari su karbi yaransu. A cikin 15 daga cikin kasashe 34 na OECD da aka bincika, ma'aurata na jinsi daya ba za su iya daukar da tare ba. A cikin waɗannan kasashe, ma'aurata masu jinsi daya na iya samun mutum daya a cikin dangantakar da ke karbar dansu a matsayin iyaye daya.[46] Iyaye guda daya ne kawai za a ba su izinin iyaye ko tallafi ta hanyar wannan dabarar tallafi. Duk da yake akwai zaɓi na tallafin iyaye na biyu a wasu daga cikin wadannan kasashe 15, tsarin tallafi na biyu yana da tsada kuma yana cin lokaci- kirkirar yiwuwar shingen da ke hana ma'aurata na jinsi daya bin wannan hanya. A wasu kasashe, ana iya kafa iyaye masu jinsi guda ne kawai ta hanyar mahaifiyar haihuwa a cikin dangantakar lesbian (wanda aka dauka a matsayin uwa ɗaya bisa doka), don haka mahaifiyar ta biyu ba ta karbar izini.

Matsakaicin Matsayi na Duniya

gyara sashe

Yarjejeniyar Kare Maternity, 2000 tana bukatar akalla makonni 14 na hutun haihuwa. A cikin Tarayyar Turai, Umurnin Ma'aikata masu juna biyu yana bukatar akalla makonni 14 na hutun haihuwa; yayin da Umurnin Maida hankali na Ayyuka-Rayuwa yana bukatar a kalla kwanaki 10 na hutun iyaye, da kuma akalla watanni 4 na hutun iyayengiji, tare da watanni 2 ba za a iya canja su ba.

Tasirin

gyara sashe

Yawanci, tasirin izinin iyaye shine ingantawa a cikin kulawa ta haihuwa da bayan haihuwa, gami da raguwar mutuwar jarirai. Sakamakon hutun iyaye a kasuwar aiki sun hada da karuwar aiki, canje-canje a cikin albashi, da sauye-sauye a cikin yawan ma'aikata da ke komawa aiki. Dokar barin kuma na iya tasiri ga yawan haihuwa.[47]

A kasuwar aiki

gyara sashe

Wani bincike a Jamus ya gano cewa albashin ya ragu da kashi 18 cikin 100 ga kowace shekara ma'aikaci ke kashewa a hutun iyaye.[47] Koyaya, bayan raguwar farko a cikin albashi, albashin ma'aikaci yana sake dawowa da sauri fiye da albashin wani da ba a ba shi izinin iyaye ba.[47] Binciken manufofin hutun California, jiha ta farko a Amurka da ta bukaci ma'aikata su ba da hutun iyaye da aka biya, ya nuna cewa albashin ya karu.[48]

Hutun iyaye na iya haifar da mafi girman tsaro na aiki.[47] Nazarin ya bambanta da yadda wannan ke taimakawa komawa aiki bayan ya dauki lokaci. Wasu binciken sun nuna cewa idan iyaye sun tafi fiye da shekara guda bayan haihuwar yaro, yana rage yiwuwar cewa zai dawo.[47] Sauran binciken gajeren lokacin hutu sun nuna cewa iyaye ba sa bukatar barin ayyukansu don kula da yaransu, don haka dawowar aiki tana karuwa.[48]

Ba a bayyana cewa manufofin hutun iyaye sun yi tasiri sosai a kan bambancin albashin jinsi ba, wanda ya kasance mai dorewa tun daga karshen shekarun 1980, duk da karuwar karbar manufofin hutunin iyaye.[49]

Hutun haihuwa da sakamakonsa

gyara sashe

A cikin Amurka, yayin da Dokar Hutun Iyali da Kiwon Lafiya ta 1993 (FMLA) ta ba da izinin hutun iyaye da ba a biya ba, iyaye galibi ba sa amfani da wannan cancanta sosai saboda ba za a iya biya shi ba. A sakamakon haka, wasu binciken sun nuna cewa FMLA tana da iyakantaccen tasiri akan yawan abin da sabbin iyaye ke dauka.[50] Kodayake takamaiman adadin na iya bambanta, samun yaro (gami da farashin kulawa mai inganci) yana biyan iyalan kusan $ 11,000 a cikin shekara ta farko. Wadannan tsada masu yawa suna ba da gudummawa ga sababbin uwaye a Amurka da ke dawowa aiki da sauri fiye da sababbin uwaye da ke kasashen Turai; kusan kashi daya bisa uku na mata a Amurka suna dawowa aiki a cikin watanni uku na haihuwa, idan aka kwatanta da kusan kashi biyar cikin dari a Burtaniya, Jamus, da Sweden, da kuma fiye da rabin uwaye a cikin Amurka tare da yaro a karkashin shekaru daya. [51][52]

Akwai wasu shaidu cewa dokokin hutun iyaye suna hablbaka yiwuwar mata su koma ayyukansu na baya maimakon neman sabon aiki. Wannan hauhawar ana zaton ta fadi zuwa tsakanin 10% da 17%. A lokaci guda, akwai raguwa a cikin kashi na mata da ke samun sabbin ayyuka, wanda ya fadi tsakanin 6% da 11%. Don haka, irin wannan dokar ta bayyana ta kara yawan mata da ke komawa aiki bayan haihuwa da kusan 3% ko 4% .[53]

Bugu da kari, ya bayyana cewa manufofin hutun iyaye suna ba da damar mata su zauna a gida na dogon lokaci kafin su koma aiki yayin da yiwuwar komawa tsohuwar aiki ta fadi a cikin wata na biyu bayan haihuwa kafin ta tashi sosai a cikin wata ta uku. Kodayake wannan dokar ta bayyana tana da tasiri kadan ga mata da ke zabar hutu, ya bayyana yana kara lokacin da mata ke dauka a hutu.[53]

Dokar hutun haihuwa na iya haifar da fa'idodi ko lahani ga ma'aikata. Babban matsalar da za a iya samu na izinin izini shine damar da zai iya rushe ayyukan samarwa ta hanyar kara yawan ma'aikata. Tare da izinin izini na wani lokaci kuma yana fuskantar rashin iyaye mata a wurin aiki, kamfanoni za su fuskanci zabubbuka guda biyu: hayar dan lokaci (wanda zai iya hadawa da farashin horo) ko aiki tare da ma'aikacin da ya bace. A madadin haka, wadannan manufofi na iya zama masu kyau ga ma'aikata waɗanda a baya ba su ba da izini ba saboda suna damuwa game da jan hankalin ma'aikatan da ke iya amfani da izinin haihuwa. Don haka, akwai yiwuwar wadannan manufofi don gyara gazawar kasuwa.[53] Rashin samun izini mai yawa a matakin al'umma, duk da haka, shine raguwar ma'aikatan mata. A cikin kasashe masu yawan bukatun ma'aikata, gami da kasashe da yawa na yanzu tare da yawan tsofaffi, karamin ma'aikata ba shi da kyau.[13]

Wani abu mai mahimmanci da za a lura da shi ga duk binciken da aka ambata a sama shine cewa sakamakon yawanci ya dogara da yadda aka bayyana izinin izini, da kuma ko manufofi don ba a biya su ba ko izinin da ba a biya ba. Manufofin da ke ba da tabbacin hutun da aka biya wasu suna daukar su da tasiri sosai fiye da manufofin da ba a biya su ba.[50]

Ga mata dai-dai, dogon hutu a aiki, kamar yadda zai zo daga hutun iyaye, yana shafar ayyukansu. Rashin daidaito mai tsawo yana da alaka da rage yawan kudin rayuwa da kananan biyan kudi da kuma kara yawan damar aiki da rage yawan kudi. Saboda wadannan matsalolin, wasu kasashe, musamman Norway, sun fadada shirye-shiryen manufofin iyali don kara yawan mahaifin da fadada kula da yara a kokarin yin aiki don samun daidaito tsakanin jinsi.[13]

Dangane da binciken da aka yi a shekarar 2016, fadada hutun haihuwa da gwamnati ke tallafawa a Norway daga makonni 18 zuwa 35 ya jagoranci iyaye mata su ciyar da karin lokaci a gida ba tare da rage yawan kudin shiga na iyali ba.[54]

 
Uba yana ciyar da lokaci tare da 'yar

Hutun iyaye da sakamakonsa

gyara sashe

Kalmar 'yancin iyaye' tana nufin izinin da aka ba wa iyayen kawai don ba su damar ciyar da lokaci tare da jaririnsu. Kodayake ana ba da izinin iyaye ga iyaye, iyaye mata suna ci gaba da ɗaukar mafi yawan izinin iyaye.[1] Lokacin da ba a biya izinin izini ba, bincike ya nuna cewa amfani da izinin maza ba ya shafar.[55] A Jamus, inda aka tabbatar da izinin iyaye ga iyaye biyu, karfafa kudi, shi kaɗai, bai isa ya ƙarfafa iyaye su ɗauki izinin iyaye ba.[56] Duk da yake ba a saba gani ba a duniya, wasu ƙasashe suna ajiye ɓangarorin hutun da aka biya ga uba, ma'ana ba za a iya canja shi ga mahaifiyar ba kuma ya ɓace sai dai idan ya yi amfani da shi. Daga cikin kasashe na farko da suka fara turawa don kara yawan amfani da izinin iyaye sune jihohin jin dadin Nordic, farawa da Sweden ta sanya izinin iyaye tsaka-tsaki a cikin 1974 kuma nan da nan Iceland, Denmark, Norway da Finland suka biyo baya. Wadannan ƙasashe ba su da ra'ayi na haɗin kai na izinin iyaye, kowannensu yana sanya yanayi daban-daban, rabo da ma'auni, amma ana ɗaukar su a matsayin mafi karimci a duniya.

A wani bangare a cikin wani shiri na yaki da "hukuncin uwa", Norway a 1993 ta fara canjin manufofi don karfafa hutun uba, abin da ake kira "ƙididdigar uba", kuma Sweden ta bi hakan a 1995. Wannan yana nufin wasu kwanakin hutu na iyaye ne kawai mahaifin zai iya amfani da su, kuma in ba haka ba sun ɓace. A cikin ƙasashe waɗanda haƙƙin izini ya haɗa da ƙididdigar uba, an sami tasiri sosai, tare da ƙididdiga da aka ba da ƙididdige don ƙara sa hannun uba da ƙalubalanci matsayin jinsi a cikin iyali, inganta daidaitattun rarraba aiki.[13] Don kimanta wannan canjin, Rønsen da Kitterød sun kalli yawan da lokacin dawowar mata zuwa aiki bayan haihuwa, da kuma tasirin wannan na sabon manufofin hutun iyaye. A cikin binciken da suka yi a shekarar 2015, Rønsen da Kitterød sun sami mata a Norway sun koma aiki da sauri bayan canjin manufofi.[57] Koyaya, an faɗaɗa kula da yara na jama'a ko tallafi sosai a lokaci guda, don haka Rønsen da Kitterød ba su sami cewa "ƙididdigar uba" ne kawai ke da alhakin lokacin shigar da aiki ba. Amma ana iya fahimtar cewa yana da tasiri a kan rarraba aikin gida ta hanyar jinsi lokacin da iyaye biyu zasu iya ɗaukar lokaci don kula da sabon jariri.[13]

Wani tasiri daga iyaye da ke karbar hutu shine cewa a Norway an nuna cewa yana da damar rage ko kara yawan lokacin da mata ke ɗauka, dangane da ko ana ganin kula da yara na uwa da uba a matsayin maye gurbin ko kari. Idan sun maye gurbin kayayyaki, iyaye mata suna iya komawa aiki da wuri yayin da iyaye ke ɗaukar wasu nauyin kula da yara. Bincike ya ba da shawarar wani abu na aji yana wasa: iyayen aji na tsakiya suna ɗaukar kansu a matsayin madadin da ya dace ga mahaifiyar a matsayin mai kula da farko, yayin da maza masu aiki na iya ganin kansu a matsayin masu goyon bayan abokin aikinsu a lokacin hutun ta. Sakamakon haka, iyayen aji na tsakiya na iya amfani da hutun su bayan mahaifiyar ta koma aiki, yayin da iyayen ajiyar ma'aikata na iya zaɓar hutun su yayin hutun mahaifiyar.[58] A wasu lokuta, hutu mai tsawo ga iyaye na iya motsa uwaye su zauna a gida.[13]

Iyaye suna amfani da izinin iyaye kaɗan fiye da uwaye a Amurka da kuma wasu ƙasashe inda ake samun izinin biyan kuɗi, [50] [59] kuma wannan bambancin na iya samun dalilai ban da matsalolin kuɗi waɗanda ke tasiri ga iyaye biyu. Bygren da Duvander, [59] kallon amfani da hutun iyaye ta iyaye a Sweden, sun kammala cewa halaye na wurin aiki na iyaye (gami da girman wurin aiki, ko akwai maza ko mata da yawa a wurin aiki, kuma ko wurin aiki ya kasance wani ɓangare na masu zaman kansu ko na jama'a) ya rinjayi tsawon hutun iyaye ga iyaye, kamar yadda kasancewar wasu maza da suka ɗauki hutun iyaye a baya. Ya zuwa shekarar 2016 hutun iyaye ya kai kashi 25% na hutun iyaye da aka biya a Sweden.

Wani binciken da aka yi a 2023 ya gano cewa hutun iyaye yana haifar da canjin halin mutum a kan batutuwan jinsi. Lokacin da aka ba da izinin iyaye ga iyaye, iyaye suna ƙara tallafawa manufofin zamantakewar jinsi da kuma batutuwan kare hakkin mata.[60]

Tsawon hutun

gyara sashe
 
Manufofin iyali a lokacin yakin duniya na biyu lokacin da aka dauki mata a wurin aiki

A cikin 2013, Joseph, Pailhé, Recotillet, da Solaz sun buga wani gwaji na halitta wanda ke kimanta canjin manufofin 2004 a Faransa.[61] Suna da sha'awar tasirin tattalin arziki na cikakken lokaci, gajeren lokacin hutu na iyaye. Kafin sake fasalin, mata suna da izinin iyaye na watanni biyu, kuma suna iya daukar izinin iyaye har zuwa shekaru uku da ba a biya su ba tare da tabbatar da aikinsu, kodayake yawancin mata sun dauki watanni biyu kawai. Sabuwar manufofin, kariyar zabin aiki (CLCA), tana ba da tabbacin watanni shida na hutun iyaye da aka biya. Marubutan sun sami sakamako mai kyau a kan aiki: idan aka kwatanta da mata a cikin irin wannan yanayi kafin sake fasalin, uwaye na farko da suka dauki hutun da aka biya bayan sake fasalin sun fi dacewa da aiki bayan hutun su, kuma ba za su iya kasancewa daga cikin ma'aikata ba. Marubutan sun nuna irin wannan sakamako na cikakken lokaci, gajeren hutun iyaye da aka kiyaye a Kanada a 2008 ta Baker da Milligan, kuma a Jamus a 2009 ta Kluve da Tamm. [62][63] Koyaya, Joseph et al. sun kuma gano cewa albashin ya kasance kasa (idan aka kwatanta da mata kafin sake fasalin) ga mata masu matsakaici da ilimi sosai bayan izinin, wanda zai iya zama saboda mata sun koma aiki na dan lokaci ko kuma saboda "hukuncin uwa", inda masu aiki ke nuna bambanci ga uwaye, suna daukar izinin watanni shida a matsayin "alamu" cewa mace ba za ta kasance mai kyau ga ma'aikaci ba saboda nauyin uwawarta.

manazarta

gyara sashe
  1. ↑ 1.0 1.1 Ruhm, Christopher J. (1998). "The Economic Consequences of Parental Leave Mandates: Lessons from Europe" (PDF). Quarterly Journal of Economics. 113 (1): 285–317. doi:10.1162/003355398555586. S2CID 51297709. Cite error: Invalid <ref> tag; name "Ruhm" defined multiple times with different content
  2. ↑ Addati, Laura (1 January 2015). "Extending maternity protection to all women: Trends, challenges and opportunities". International Social Security Review. 68 (1): 69–93. doi:10.1111/issr.12060. ISSN 1468-246X.
  3. ↑ International Labour Organization. (2014). Maternity and Paternity at Work: Law and Practice Across the World.
  4. ↑ Gualt, Barbara; Hartmann, Heidi; Hegewisch, Ariane; Milli, Jessica; Reichlin, Lindsey. "Paid Parental Leave in the United States" (PDF). Institute for Women's Policy Research. Archived from the original (PDF) on 30 September 2019. Retrieved 27 January 2017.
  5. ↑ "Is paid leave available for both parents of infants?". World Policy Analysis Center (in Turanci). Retrieved 2023-08-04.
  6. ↑ "Note: Suriname is the latest country to introduce paid leave" (PDF). Retrieved 30 July 2023.
  7. ↑ Danzer, Natalia; Halla, Martin; Schneeweis, Nicole; Zweimüller, Martina (2020-11-10). "Parental Leave, (In)formal Childcare and Long-Term Child Outcomes". Journal of Human Resources (in Turanci). 57 (6): 0619–10257R1. doi:10.3368/jhr.58.2.0619-10257R1. ISSN 0022-166X. S2CID 157124069.
  8. ↑ Bütikofer, Aline; Riise, Julie; Skira, Meghan M. (2021). "The Impact of Paid Maternity Leave on Maternal Health". American Economic Journal: Economic Policy (in Turanci). 13 (1): 67–105. doi:10.1257/pol.20190022. ISSN 1945-7731. S2CID 234033258 Check |s2cid= value (help).
  9. ↑ Sen, Amartya. 1999. Development as Freedom. New York: Anchor Books.
  10. ↑ 10.0 10.1 Nussbaum, Martha. 2011. Creating Capabilities: The Human Development Approach. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. p. 34
  11. ↑ 11.0 11.1 11.2 Geyer, Johannes; Haan, Peter; Wrohlich, Katharina (1 January 2014). "The Effects of Family Policy on Mothers' Labor Supply: Combining Evidence from a Structural Model and a Natural Experiment". Discussion Papers of Diw Berlin – via RePEc – IDEAS. Cite error: Invalid <ref> tag; name "Geyer1" defined multiple times with different content
  12. ↑ Kluve, J.; Tamm, M. (2013). "Parental Leave Regulations, Mothers' Labor Force Attachment and Fathers' Childcare Involvement: Evidence from a Natural Experiment". Journal of Population Economics. 26 (3): 983–1005. doi:10.1007/s00148-012-0404-1. S2CID 6446330. |hdl-access= requires |hdl= (help)
  13. ↑ 13.0 13.1 13.2 13.3 13.4 13.5 Ronsen, Marit; Kitterod, Ragni Hege (July 2014). "Gender-Equalizing Family Policies and Mothers' Entry into Paid Work: Recent Evidence from Norway". Feminist Economics. 21: 59–89. doi:10.1080/13545701.2014.927584. S2CID 154808826. Cite error: Invalid <ref> tag; name ":1" defined multiple times with different content
  14. ↑ Note: Rønsen & Kitterød, in their literature review on p. 60, reference several other citations to this same point, q.v., Marit Rønsen and Marianne Sundstrøm [1996]; Jutta M. Joesch [1997]; Christopher J. Ruhm [1998]; JaneWaldfogel, Yoshio Higuchi, and Masahiro Abe [1999]; Chiara Daniela Pronzato [2009]. These could be added
  15. ↑ Esping-Andersen, G (2003). "Women in the New Welfare Equilibrium". The European Legacy. 8 (5): 599–610. doi:10.1080/1084877032000153975. S2CID 143983889.
  16. ↑ Bittman, M (1999). "Parenthood Without Penalty: Time Use And Public Policy in Australia And Finland". Feminist Economics. 5 (3): 27–42. doi:10.1080/135457099337798.
  17. ↑ Esping-Andersen, G (2003). "Women in the New Welfare Equilibrium". The European Legacy. 8 (5): 606. doi:10.1080/1084877032000153975. S2CID 143983889.
  18. ↑ Akerlof, G. A., & Kranton, R. E. (2010). Identity Economics: How Our Identities Shape Our Work, Wages, and Well-Being. Princeton: Princeton University Press
  19. ↑ Esping-Andersen, G (2003). "Women in the New Welfare Equilibrium". The European Legacy. 8 (5): 599–610. doi:10.1080/1084877032000153975. S2CID 143983889.
  20. ↑ Nations, United (17 March 2016). "Paid parental leave, including mandatory paternity leave | Human Development Reports". Retrieved 26 June 2019. Cite journal requires |journal= (help)
  21. ↑ Theunisse, G.; Verbruggen, M.; Forrier, A.; Sels, L. (2011). "Career Sidestep, Wage Setback? The Impact of Different Types of Employment Interruptions on Wages". Gender, Work & Organization. 18: e110–e131. doi:10.1111/j.1468-0432.2009.00471.x.
  22. ↑ Datta Gupta, N.; Smith, N.; Verner, M. (2008). "The Impact of Nordic Countries' Family Friendly Policies on Employment, Wages, and Children". Review of Economics of the Household. 6 (1): 65–89. doi:10.1007/s11150-007-9023-0. S2CID 56077457.
  23. ↑ Datta Gupta, N.; Smith, N.; Verner, M. (2008). "PERSPECTIVE ARTICLE: The impact of Nordic countries' family friendly policies on employment, wages, and children". Review of Economics of the Household. 6 (1): 65–89. doi:10.1007/s11150-007-9023-0. S2CID 56077457.
  24. ↑ "Mandatory Paternity Leave: The Next Must-Have Benefit?". business.linkedin.com. Retrieved 26 June 2019.
  25. ↑ Lamb, Michael E. (2010) The Role of the Father in Child Development. Hoboken, New Jersey: John Wiley & Sons
  26. ↑ "Likedeling av foreldrepermisjonen er diskriminering av mor og barn". Norsk Kvinnesaksforening (in Norwegian Bokmål). 21 October 2015. Retrieved 26 June 2019.
  27. ↑ Busby, Nicole (2018). "The evolution of gender equality and related employment policies". International Journal of Discrimination and the Law. 18 (2–3): 104–123. doi:10.1177/1358229118788458. S2CID 149870156.
  28. ↑ Wutz, Isabell. "What is left of the ambitious proposal for an EU Work–Life Balance Directive? | COFACE". Archived from the original on 27 July 2020. Retrieved 27 July 2020.
  29. ↑ "CNN: The world's Longest Paid Motherhood is in Bulgaria – Novinite.com – Sofia News Agency". novinite.com.
  30. ↑ "Family leave in Latvia – among the world's best".
  31. ↑ "Equality". European Commission – European Commission.
  32. ↑ Berit Brandth; Elin Kvande (April 2018). "Norway" (PDF). leavenetwork.org. Retrieved 30 July 2023.
  33. ↑ "Maternity leave benefits".
  34. ↑ 34.0 34.1 34.2 Welteke, Clara; Wrohlich, Katharina (2016). "Peer Effects in Parental Leave Decisions". SSRN Electronic Journal. doi:10.2139/ssrn.2830386. ISSN 1556-5068. S2CID 139085694. Cite error: Invalid <ref> tag; name ":110" defined multiple times with different content
  35. ↑ 35.0 35.1 35.2 35.3 Dahl, Gordon; Løken, Katrine; Mogstad, Magne (2014). "Peer Effects in Program Participation". American Economic Review. Cambridge, MA. doi:10.3386/w18198. S2CID 244373597 Check |s2cid= value (help).
  36. ↑ 36.0 36.1 Banerjee, Abhijit V. (1992). "A Simple Model of Herd Behavior". The Quarterly Journal of Economics. 107 (3): 797–817. doi:10.2307/2118364. ISSN 0033-5533. JSTOR 2118364. S2CID 154723838. Cite error: Invalid <ref> tag; name ":28" defined multiple times with different content
  37. ↑ 37.0 37.1 37.2 37.3 MA, LI; ANDERSSON, GUNNAR; DUVANDER, ANN-ZOFIE; EVERTSSON, MARIE (2019-05-21). "Fathers' Uptake of Parental Leave: Forerunners and Laggards in Sweden, 1993–2010". Journal of Social Policy. 49 (2): 361–381. doi:10.1017/s0047279419000230. ISSN 0047-2794. S2CID 182257694. Cite error: Invalid <ref> tag; name ":32" defined multiple times with different content
  38. ↑ 38.0 38.1 38.2 Kaufman, Gayle (2017-03-24). "Barriers to equality: why British fathers do not use parental leave". Community, Work & Family. 21 (3): 310–325. doi:10.1080/13668803.2017.1307806. ISSN 1366-8803. S2CID 152090151. Cite error: Invalid <ref> tag; name ":42" defined multiple times with different content
  39. ↑ 39.0 39.1 39.2 Marynissen, Leen; Wood, Jonas; Neels, Karel (2021-06-11). "Mothers and Parental Leave in Belgium: Social Inequalities in Eligibility and Uptake". Social Inclusion. 9 (2): 325–337. doi:10.17645/si.v9i2.3834. ISSN 2183-2803. S2CID 236300549 Check |s2cid= value (help). Cite error: Invalid <ref> tag; name ":52" defined multiple times with different content
  40. ↑ "Belgium - Employment, Social Affairs & Inclusion - European Commission". ec.europa.eu.
  41. ↑ 41.0 41.1 Dobrotić, Ivana; Blum, Sonja (2019-06-25). "Inclusiveness of Parental-Leave Benefits in Twenty-One European Countries: Measuring Social and Gender Inequalities in Leave Eligibility". Social Politics: International Studies in Gender, State & Society. 27 (3): 588–614. doi:10.1093/sp/jxz023. ISSN 1072-4745.
  42. ↑ Bernard Fusulier; Dimitri Mortelmans (April 2019). "Belgium" (PDF). leavenetwork.org. Retrieved 30 July 2023.
  43. ↑ Dobrotić, Ivana; Blum, Sonja (2019-06-25). "Inclusiveness of Parental-Leave Benefits in Twenty-One European Countries: Measuring Social and Gender Inequalities in Leave Eligibility". Social Politics: International Studies in Gender, State & Society. 27 (3): 588–614. doi:10.1093/sp/jxz023. ISSN 1072-4745.
  44. ↑ Kil, Tine; Wood, Jonas; Neels, Karel (2017-06-20). "Parental leave uptake among migrant and native mothers: Can precarious employment trajectories account for the difference?". Ethnicities. 18 (1): 106–141. doi:10.1177/1468796817715292. ISSN 1468-7968. S2CID 148650202. |hdl-access= requires |hdl= (help)
  45. ↑ 45.0 45.1 45.2 Evertsson, Marie; Boye, Katarina (2018-07-20). "The Transition to Parenthood and the Division of Parental Leave in Different-Sex and Female Same-Sex Couples in Sweden". European Sociological Review. 34 (5): 471–485. doi:10.1093/esr/jcy027. ISSN 0266-7215.
  46. ↑ 46.0 46.1 46.2 WONG, ELIZABETH; JOU, JUDY; RAUB, AMY; HEYMANN, JODY (2019-09-05). "Comparing the availability of paid parental leave for same-sex and different-sex couples in 34 OECD countries". Journal of Social Policy. 49 (3): 525–545. doi:10.1017/s0047279419000643. ISSN 0047-2794. S2CID 203085632. Cite error: Invalid <ref> tag; name ":83" defined multiple times with different content
  47. ↑ 47.0 47.1 47.2 47.3 47.4 Akgunduz, Y. E.; Plantenga, J. (2012). "Labour market effects of parental leave in Europe". Cambridge Journal of Economics. 37 (4): 845–862. doi:10.1093/cje/bes052. |hdl-access= requires |hdl= (help) Cite error: Invalid <ref> tag; name "Utrecht" defined multiple times with different content
  48. ↑ 48.0 48.1 Rossin-Slater, M.; Ruhm, C. J.; Waldfogel, J. (2013). "The Effects of California's Paid Family Leave Program on Mothers' Leave-Taking and Subsequent Labor Market Outcomes". Journal of Policy Analysis and Management. 32 (2): 224–245. CiteSeerX 10.1.1.704.5350. doi:10.1002/pam.21676. PMC 3701456. PMID 23547324. Cite error: Invalid <ref> tag; name "NBER" defined multiple times with different content
  49. ↑ Rønsen, M.; Kitterød, R. H. (2015). "Gender-equalizing family policies and mothers' entry into paid work: recent evidence from Norway". Feminist Economics. 10 (1): 59–89. doi:10.1080/13545701.2014.927584. S2CID 154808826.
  50. ↑ 50.0 50.1 50.2 Han, W.-J.; Waldfogel, J. (2003). "Parental Leave: The Impact of Recent Legislation on Parents' Leave-Taking". Demography. 40 (1): 191–200. doi:10.1353/dem.2003.0003. PMID 12647520. S2CID 22696348. Cite error: Invalid <ref> tag; name "HanWaldfogel" defined multiple times with different content
  51. ↑ Berger, L.M., Hill, J. et al. 2005. "Maternity Leave, Early Maternal Employment and Child Health Development in the US." The Economic Journal. 115(501):F29-F47.
  52. ↑ (Johnson 2007)
  53. ↑ 53.0 53.1 53.2 Baum II, Charles L. (April 2003). "The Effects of Maternity Leave Legislation on Mothers' Labor Supply after Childbirth". Southern Economic Journal. 69 (4): 772–799. doi:10.2307/1061651. JSTOR 1061651. Cite error: Invalid <ref> tag; name ":0" defined multiple times with different content
  54. ↑ Dahl, Gordon B.; Løken, Katrine V.; Mogstad, Magne; Salvanes, Kari Vea (23 March 2016). "What Is the Case for Paid Maternity Leave?" (PDF). Review of Economics and Statistics. 98 (4): 655–670. doi:10.1162/REST_a_00602. ISSN 0034-6535. S2CID 57565748.
  55. ↑ Waldfogel, J; Han, WJ (February 2003). "Parental leave: the impact of recent legislation on parents' leave taking". Demography. 40 (1): 191–200. doi:10.1353/dem.2003.0003. PMID 12647520. S2CID 22696348.
  56. ↑ VOGL, S., & KRELL, C. (2012). PARENTAL LEAVE AND PARENTING BENEFITS: Potential Effects on Father Participation in Germany. International Journal of Sociology of the Family, 38(1), 19–38. Retrieved from https://www.jstor.org/stable/43488388
  57. ↑ Rønsen, M.; Kitterød, R. H. (2015). "Gender-equalizing family policies and mothers' entry into paid work: recent evidence from Norway". Feminist Economics. 21 (1): 59–89 [84]. doi:10.1080/13545701.2014.927584. S2CID 154808826.
  58. ↑ Brandth, B., & Kvande, E. (2016). Fatherhood in the Nordic Welfare States: Comparing Care Policies and Practice. Bristol, United Kingdom: Policy Press.
  59. ↑ 59.0 59.1 Bygren, M; Duvander, A.-Z. (2006). "Parents' Workplace Situation and Fathers' Parental Leave Use". Journal of Marriage and Family. 68 (2): 363–372. doi:10.1111/j.1741-3737.2006.00258.x.
  60. ↑ Tavits, Margit; Schleiter, Petra; Homola, Jonathan; Ward, Dalston (2023). "Fathers' Leave Reduces Sexist Attitudes". American Political Science Review (in Turanci): 1–7. doi:10.1017/S0003055423000369. ISSN 0003-0554. S2CID 258358469 Check |s2cid= value (help). |hdl-access= requires |hdl= (help)
  61. ↑ Joseph, Olivier; Pailhé (2013). "The economic impact of taking short parental leave: Evaluation of a French reform". Labour Economics, 25(European Association of Labour Economists 24th Annual Conference, Bonn, Germany, 20–22 September 2012). 25: 63–75. doi:10.1016/j.labeco.2013.04.012.
  62. ↑ Baker, M., Milligan, K.,2008. How does job-protected maternity leave affect mothers' employment? Journal of Labor Economics 26,655–692.
  63. ↑ Kluve, J., Tamm, M.,2009. Now daddy's changing diapers and mommy's making her career: evaluating a generous parental leave regulation using a natural experiment. IZA Discussion Papers 4500. Institute for the Study of Labor(IZA).
Daga "https://ha.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Hutun_iyaye&oldid=510807"